Friday 14 February 2014

Amalgamation of Nigeria, Problems amd Prospects.

Being Paper presented by Barrister Solomon Dalung at Centennial Celebrations organised by Taraba State Government to commemorate 100 years of Amalgamation of Nigeria held on February,  12th 2014 at Jolly Nyame Staduim Jalingo.

Iam indeed grateful for the privilege accorded me to cross pollinate ideas on a concept amalgamation of Nigeria, amalgamation. This discouse to me is equivalent to probing the circucumstance of one's birth. I wonder greatly about my choice as a resource person, perhaps, because of my back ground of crusader for social justice and equity, which place me on a better pedestal to provoked reasoning that will set the tone for appraisal of burning issues generating national debate.

I will attempt doing justice to this discouse by stimilating thoughts for self reflections.Iam not oblivous of the fact that occasions of this nature demands stock taking to assess progress made in our journey to nationhood.May I join other scholars in asking "is Nigeria a nation or mere geo-political colonial creation? It is been contended that the unholy matrimony of 1914, where the political architect, Sir Lord Lugard amalgamated two distinct territories with little or no regards to consent or consultation may be the origin of mistrust that robbed Nigeria of stability.

No wonder, Anderson (1983) disputed its existence when he stated that “Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression. There are no “Nigerians” in the same sense as there are “English,” “Welsh” or “French.” He further srgued that, the word ‘Nigerian’ is merely a distinctive appellation to distinguish those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria from those who do not”.Even Nigerians lacked confidence in amalgamation and had did little to enhance national intregration, According to Clifford Imasuen, “More than the past a number of decades, Nigerians have sought to create cheap printing company. Nevertheless, the nation constructing process has been largely difficult by Nigeria’s tremendous ethnic diversity and uneven distribution of resource. Since independence in 1960, the geographical expression known as Nigeria has striven without success to bring together the diverse ethnic nationalities into a single".When people speak of Nigeria derisively as an ‘accident,’ they could not, in some sense, have been more correct in their descriptions.

All nations are in some sense ‘accidents ‘of history, ‘imagined communities ‘that could potentially develop broad national spaces by subsuming sub-national spaces.There has been no any positive change in this regard since then. Instead, the relationship among the constituent ethnic nationalities and religious groups has worsened drastically in spite of all pretenses to the contrary. Nigeria is not an ethnically homogenous society, having come into being accidentally, as it were, as a product of British imperialism. Today, rather than integrating into a cohesive community with a common sense of national identity and destiny, citizens of Nigeria are returning more and more to primordial affiliations for identity, loyalty and security. Instead of forging a united front and presenting a concerted effort to face the challenges of development in an increasingly competitive and globalized world, Nigerians are busy waging ethnic and religious wars, struggling for control over resources, resisting marginalization by dominant ethnic groups, and contending with diverse problems of basic survival. (Ekanola 2006).

The adventure of the discovery of the dark continent embarked upon by Europe four or five hundred years ago, starting with transatlantic slave trade,  the pacification of extracting controversial treaties and the Berlin conference of 1885 set the agenda of colonialism. An African Scholar, Chinua Achebe argued that controversial gathering of world's European leading powers precipitated what we now called the scrabble for Africa, which created new boundaries that did violence to African ancient societies and resulted in tension-prone modern states. It took place without African consultation or representation, to say the least [1].

Many Scholars opined the origin of political instability in African modern states is traceable to this conference, which to say  the least planted seeds of discord at the expense imperial interest. No doubt the principles of natural justice was integral components of European philosophy, however, unjust methods of partitioning Africa using maps was adopted, which laid down the foundation of injustice  of modern African states.

Former Nigerian leader concured that, the failure of the colonial powers to graft such desirable aspects of the past on to the present rather than super-impose their own experiences on us and our perpetration of this practice in the post independence period has in part led us into the quagmire of governmental instability. It is needless to reiterate the fact that such instability has diverted our attention from the fundamental goal of ensuring a better life for our populace. (Obasanjo 1989).

Great Britain was handed the area of West Africa that would later become Nigerian,  like a piece of chocolate cake at a birthday party. It was one most populous region on the African Continent, with over 250 ethnic groups and distrinct languages. The northern part was the seat of several ancient Kingdoms, such as the Kanem- Borno to which Shehu Usman dan Fodio and his jihadists absorbed into the Muslim Fulani Empire.The middle belt was the locus of the glorious Nok Kingdom and its world renowned terra-cotta sculptures. The southern protection was home to some of the region's sophisticated civilisations. In the west, the oyo and the ife Kingdoms once strode majestically, and in the Midwest, the incomparable Nri Kingdoms flourished.

In the Berlin conference sealed her fate, the amalgamation of southern and northern protectorates inextricably complicated Nigerians destiny. Animist, Muslims and Christians were held together by delicate, some say lattice.The indirect rule introduced by the British succeeded in the North and the West because administrative milieu was favourable to the modern African states which has Great Britain as the new sovereign. In Igbo land,  indirect rule confronted challenges of implementation,  as results, the creation of  institutions of "warrant chiefs", an abnormality believed by some as responsible for corrupting Igbo democratic spirit.

Consequently, post colonial Africa was a conglomerate of people who have lost their the tradition of managing their affairs. The new system foisted upon at the dawn of independence was difficult to administer by the emerging national leaders. These were the crisis that breed mutual suspicion which ultimately gave rise to sectionalism and regionalism in the polity.Southern Nigeria was a British protectorate in the coastal areas of modern day Nigeria, formed in 1900 from union of the Niger Coast Protectorate with territories chartered by the Royal Niger Company below Lokoja on the Niger River.The Lagos colony was added in 1906, and the territory was officially renamed the Colony and Protectorate of Southern Nigeria.In 1914, Southern Nigeria was joined with Northern Nigeria Protectorate to form the single colony of Nigeria. The unification was done for economic reasons rather than political. Northern Nigeria Protectorate had a budget deficit; and the colonial administration sought to use the budget surpluses in Southern Nigeria to offset this deficit.

The Governor-General, Frederick Lugard who took office in 1914 was responsible for overseeing the unification. He established several central institutions to anchor the evolving unified structure.A Central Secretariat was instituted at Lagos, which was the seat of government, and the Nigerian Council, later it became the Legislative Council, was founded to provide a forum for representatives drawn from the provinces. Certain services were integrated across the Northern and Southern Provinces because of their national significance, these were, military, treasury, audit, posts and telegraphs, railways, survey, medical services, judicial and legal departments.

They were brought under the control of the Central Secretariat in Lagos.The process of unification was undermined by the persistence of different regional perspectives on governance between the Northern and Southern Provinces and by Nigerian nationalists in Lagos.While southern colonial administrators welcomed amalgamation as an opportunity for imperial expansion, their counterparts in the Northern Province believed that it was injurious to the interests of the areas they administered because of their relative backwardness and that it was their duty to resist the advance of southern influences and culture into the north. Southerners, on their part, were not eager to embrace the extension of legislation originally meant for the north to the south.

After amalgamation, Nigeria continued to be governed as separate political entities. While there was a legislative council legislating for Southern Nigeria, Northern parts were governed by executive proclamations through the instruments of direct rule,  a cost saving policy adopted at the convience of colonialism. There was developed bureaucracy with government officials with adequate renumerations.On the other side of the coin, traditional institutions constituted into Native Authority were exploited as administrative machinery with hand picked officials recruited and trained to service the colonial machine. Their roles basically was tax collections with limited powers to motive zeal. British Colonial administrators appointed as Residents and Districts officers who were either retired military officers or public servants who welded maximum authority to enforce royal proclamations.

It was quite authoritarian in nature which employed brute force to sanction compliance. Many dissenting elements that challenged legitmacy of colonial policies were either banished into exiles or outrightly killed. These state of affairs re in force disparity in post amalgamation Nigeria.The Clifford's constitution of 1922 introduced elective principles in Nigeria but it was limited to the South. Two prople were elected into the Nigerian Legislative Council from Lagos,  one from Calabar. The legal frame work opened way for democratisation of colonialism.

For what its worth, it addressed partially the demands of  participation in governance. It also coated the zeal of further agitation for reforms by emerging nationslist movements.Even though, the reactions of Colonial authority to Nationalist Movements was oppresive, it rather fueled the spirit to pressed further for better reforms.The Richardson Constitution of 1946 introduced radical reforms, amongst which were creation of regional governments maned by Lieutenant Governors, while the crown was represented by Governor-General who oversee the government.

Regional Assemblies were established for the North, East and West with capitals in Kaduna, Enugu and Ibadan respectively. Lagos remained federal capital which housed the Nigerian Legislative Council. Majority of Members of regional assemblies from the South were elected but members from the North were nominated. This constitutional development for the first time since amalgamation attempted to bring the distict components under different administrations together. It was this arrangement that brought the first set of northern leaders to the Legislative Council in Lagos in 1946.

Therefore, Richardson constitution was considered as genuine commitments to national integration.  It also introduced regionalism, a confederal constitutional arrangements which recognised the diversity of Nigeria.The reforms brought about even though far reaching was short lived as agitations for federal power arrangements frustrated its implementation, another constitutional reforms was embarked upon by Lyttleton in 1954. Federal system of government was introduced with power sharing arrangements between the federating unit. A Federal Parliament was established for the federation in Lagos.

The tone for self rule was heightened which resulted into the independent motion of 1956. Chief Anthony Enaharo moved a motion for independent in 1956, but Sir Ahmadu Bello opposed the used of "immediately" and varied it with "independent should be granted as soon as it was practicable.There was a parliamentary stalement which resulted on attack ofbnorthern leaders outside the Parliament building in Lagos. Consequently, northern leaders refused to return to the Parliament expressing lack of confidence in amalgamation of Nigeria. To resuscitate confidence,  Chief Awolowo led delegation of southern leaders to assauge nothern leadership.

Sadly, they were equally attacked in Kano. On their return to south, they expressed lost of confidence in the arrangement. This was the last straw that broke the Carmel's back. The unwholesome political development created a national stalement conveying the collapse of amalgamation after 42 years experiment. The two components expressed their lack of confidence in continuing as indissoluble entity. It was sufficient signal to Britain that the union was unworkable and destined to fail.However, the insincere commitments of imperial powers prevented them from giving the issues proper attention. Rather, Great Britain opted for diplomatic subterfuge of interference. As a result, the first constitutional conference was held in London in 1957.

The conference resolved contentious constitutional questions but evaded the future of the union as non negotiable.In my opinion, Nigeria lost the apportunity to determine her future at this point. It was not in doubt,  the amalgamation had collapsed and lip service was not going to redeem it. In conclusion, delegates to the conference were pacified to adopt status quo as it was contended as capable of altering the independent road map. Independence was agreed for October, 1st, 1960, self rule was granted to the East snd West, while self rule for the North was delayed till 1959. Federal elections were scheduled for December, 1959. Lagos was resolved to remain federal territory,  while the yoruba speaking areas of Kabba province remains part of northern region. These resolutions were bitter political pills difficult tou swallow by leaders of the West,  however, it was decided by a majority vote. Again, another seed of disharmony was planted.

A dynamite that will explode with time.October 1st, 1960 saw transfer of power to Nigerians which to many was mere flag independence without comiserate economic power. The emerging leadership had numerous challenges of forhing national intergration. Instead regional interest dominated the struggle for power which resulted into political crisis, from the 1963 census, the disputed polls of 1964, the declaration of state of emergency in Western region and bloody military coup of 1966. The aftermath of military intervention further heightened regionsl acrimony within the armed forces.Consequently,  a counter coup which was a reprisal of a sort brought another change in government. Things continued to deteriorate until it exploded into civil war.

As if the nation will not survived the 30 months war but it ended in 1970. Efforts were made at national reconciliation to heal the wounds of the civil war.There was relative progress accompanied by oil boom stimulated massive transformation with economic growth. The post war Nigeria was a pride of the black race. According to General Yakubu Gowon, former military Head of State, the problem of Nigeria was not money but how to spend it.In 1979, Nigerian returned to the presidential system of democratic rule, it lasted to 1983. Again,  the general elections with other malignant political conduct necessited another military intervention.Few months later, another military power change which mismanaged national confidence with endless transitions that resulted into the annulment of June, 12 1993 Presidential election popularly adjudged to be free and fair.

Again the country erupted into another political crisis which shaken the foundation of coperate existence. Regional amd ethnic tensions was re enforced to destabilize the nation. Lives and properties were destroyed. In agitation for revalidation of annulment,  the culture of struggle evolved with non governmental and civil societies group piloting.The military was finally conceded power to civil authorities in 1999. Since then there has been rrlative stability with outrageous security challenges,  corruption,  unemployment,  hunger,  religious intolerance,  hatres, atm robbery,  kidnappings,  oil bunkering etc on daily increase. Violence has been domesticated in every community.

Every day there is tremendous erossion of public confidences in the nation.The state of uncertainty has generated the debate for conveying Sovereign National Conferences to discuss the future of the nation.In recent times these clamour has been backed up by violent campaigns of the different arms carrying militias. Whether,  OPC, MOSSOB, MEND or boko haram, all are reflections of inherent injustices occasioned by failed leadership created by the controversial amalgamation. Indeed, that singular act laid the foundation of an unworkable political community which has mutual suspion entrenched in their minds. Most Nigerian leaders sees themselves as messiahs of their local communities and not the nation.

The fear of loosing power has encouraged insincerity in resolving the political long jump. Nigeria has held nine different constitutional, national conferences or constituent Assemblies. The only one left is the sovereign national conference.At all these conferences,  the traditions has been "the unity of the country is not negotiable". If all these efforts have failed then why avoiding the sovereign national conferences?In conclusion,  the future of this country lies in conveying SNC with full powers to discuss everything. Delegates should be elected from the various ethnic nationalities that constitutes the Nigerian federation.

It is fraudulent for any person to argue that the number of ethnic nationalities are unknown. The incumbents must make sacrifices of relinquishing power to the conference.The Chairman of the conference shall be the Head of state and Commamder in Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces. The conference shall have powers to make laws for peace and good governance within the period of the debate. The resolutions of the conference shall be subjected to a referendum. Thereafter a new constitution and elections.

On the other hand, elections should be suspended for the conference if the incumbents are not disposed to making sacrifices. Then the 2015 elections should be for delegates to the conference. Anything to contrary will be delaying the evil day. Therefore,  the prospects of amalgamation is to hold a SNC to discuss the future of the nation.
Thank you for the audience.

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